Empty your bowels here! No sweat! Certain characters were posting irrelevant rubbish here so you now send to firstname.lastname@example.org who will post for you!
Don't be confused by the extra links eg behind photos.
These are for for those who came without the relevant links and need to check the special articles eg the one by Cde Chokwadi Chiye.
Please click and listen and pass on link!
Merry Christmas to those that can make it merry!
M S Hove...RevCell: 0749498923 RSA.
NB: THIS IS NOT THE HOME PAGE!
"FAIR DEAL"...CHILDREN OF ZANU-PF THUGS IN THE DIASPORA!!!
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Previous Postings Archived Monthly!
- Mutambara issues a statement on Church Document!
- Angaita President chaiye-chaiye ndiani?
- Mutambara (MDC) lacks "Agenda Setting!"
- Ko anokwana pobva "Gushungo" ndiani? Ngubani ongan...
- Eng S Mangwengwende on Mutambara (MDC)!
- MDC allege police & CIO confiscating shortwave rad...
- The Mayonnaise Jar!
- "MDC has surely run out of ideas" (M M Betera, UK)...
- Testimony of Mr Gabriel Shumba (Zimbabwe) at Human...
- Vakashinga vakamirira isu matera! Hangiti thina si...
- Mugabe's Attempt To Die In Office To Be Resisted!
- DR RGM...LIFE PRESIDENT???
- Gono's Hypocricy on "Newzimbabwe.com Forums!"
- GONO-MATHUTHU THANKS!
- How much time is left??
- Robert Mugabe....(we are in for a very high jump!)...
- Gono must keep his mouth shut!
- URGENT CALL FOR DIALOGUE!
- ZIMBABWEAN PETITIONS US PRESIDENT!
- Our President's Christmas and New Year Message!
- ▼ December 2006 (20)
- ► 2007 (125)
Friday, 22 December 2006
Wednesday, 20 December 2006
Here is the petition link
Here is the story that started it.
Since then, I have spoken to two Congressmen who are willing to help us. But that is as far as my little mind has gone. I could use help.
Tuesday, 19 December 2006
Ex www.newzimbabwe.com (FORUMS!)
We dont have to agree or come from same political pursuasion!!,...but our fundamental mutual interest can only be solved through dialogue!!! please the petition and put the national agenda on the world stage. Dialogue is the right way to go whether you belong to mdc , zpf, and all the pretenders who run their parties like privated limited companies and form them only when fired by zpf!! meaning they realy zpf in disgruntled politicians skin!!
The west and its intelligencia are advocating for talks with Syria and Iran and have normalised and indeed expanded relations with Libya and enjoy cordial ones with rich Russia who like Zimbabwe have phenomenal natural resources!
IT IS IN OUR FUNDAMENTAL MUTUAL INTEREST FOR DIALOGUE NOT BLACKMAIL SANCTIONS TO TRIUMPH, THE TRIUMPH OF DIPLOMACY LEAVES EVERYBODY HAPPY AND HUMAN!!!
SIGN HERE PLEASE!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
Posted by Rev M S Hove…The Radical Soldier.
Cell: 0791463039 RSA.
Thursday, 14 December 2006
By Tendai Biti
Last updated: 12/12/2006 17:33:35
IN THE corridors of the Zanu PF government, hardly a day passes without unprecedented episodes that are both tragic and comic.
The on going spat between Finance minister Hebert Murerwa and Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono is one such episode reflecting the concoction of both the tragic and the laughable in the Zanu PF corridors o power.
Several months ago, we made the point that this government is full of cartoon characters and we were not far from the truth.
At the centre of the fall-out between Gono and Murerwa is the $400 billio printed and spent by the RBZ governor in an unprecedented spree of quasi-fiscal expenditure. The net effect of the quasi-fiscal adventurism was to increase money supply by 1000 percent.
According to Murerwa, this growth in money supply (M3) was at the core of Zimbabwe's hyperinflation. Put crudely, in as far as Murerwa is concerned, Gono is the architect of the country's defined number one enemy: inflation.
In his defence, Gono has produced correspondence that shows that the quasi-fiscal expenditure was at the express request and approval by Murerwa.
In addition, he has justified quasi-fiscal adventurism on the basis of "urgency" and "emergency situations." The MDC believes that whatever correspondence and whatever requests by Murerwa, Gono had no right to succumb to the seduction of fiscal insanity.
For starters, in terms of section 6 of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Act, Gono's brief is a monetary one, no more no less. More important is the unconstitutional nature of Gono's activities. In terms of the Zimbabwe Constitution, section 102 (3), all government expenditure should come from the Consolidated Revenue Fund and it should be approved by Parliament.
Gono's adventures were not. Thus in a way, Gono stole from the Consolidated Revenue Fund and he owes the nation an apology for the theft and for breaching the provisions of the Constitution.
His plea of "urgency" is also a misplaced one. Even assuming that urgent payments were to be made, the Minister of Finance has the powers and the right of bringing an urgent supplementary budget before Parliament for it approval. This has happened before. In 2002, when Simba Makoni was Finance minister and Charles Kuwaza the Permanent Secretary, an urgent supplementary budget was brought before the House, which adjourned in the early hours of the following morning.
Moreover, in terms of section 26 of the of the Audit and Exchequer Act, the President has the powers to authorize the withdrawal of money from the Consolidated Revenue Fund for unforeseen and emergency payments. This defeats Gono's argument of a crisis situation because the funds could still have been availed legally. Quite clearly, Gono should plead no contest by keeping his mouth shut.
However, to blame Gono alone for the structural crisis the country finds itself in is being puerile and dishonest. Gono may have made the situation worse, but he did not author the Zimbabwean crisis.
The author of the crisis is Mr Robert Mugabe and his cronies and acolytes at Munhumutapa Building. They have presided over a country which is in its ninth straight year of economic recession, a country with a record inflation rate which realistically stands at over 3000 percent, a country with an unemployment rate of over 80 percent, a country with no foreign currency for critical imports and where vital sectors such as health and education have basically collapsed.
The buck stops with Mugabe, the real Johnny Bravo of this cartoon thriller that this regime has become
Tendai Biti, MP is the Secretary-General of the MDC faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai
Monday, 11 December 2006
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I was reading all the questions and replies to and from Gideon Gono!
Thanks to the Newzimbabwe.com Editor and all who participated.
Of course, as usual, Gono is a crook like all the ZANU people.
He "would not comment " on issues "that touch his 'Principals'...etc."
Gideon...shame on you!
The rigging of Elections....the violence.......the lack of Democracy...(even in the ZANU Kitchen)......ALL THAT MUST NOT BE TOUCHED!
Gideon....shame on you!
Then the millions who ran away....some with real physical wounds from ZANU-PF.....that must not be discussed!
Those who not "allowed" to vote must please "be patriotic."
PATRIOTIC TO WHOM?
To an illegal, desperate regime?
Gideon Gono, shame on you!
Reply me here or straight to email@example.com or lets go to www.zimgossiper.blogspot.com . There I will fry you alive!
You had 5 guys suspended over the Kuruneri story and they suffered for 4 years yet you knew ALL about that nasty piece of work.
Gideon Gono....shame on you!
Rev Mufaro Stig Hove...The Radical Soldier.
Cell: 0791463039 RSA.
Please visit the following below and read for yourself!
Rev M S Hove…The Radical Soldier.
For rough comments go to www.zimgossiper.blogspot.com and empty your bowels there.
By Mr Nelson Chamisa.
Robert Mugabe's latest ploy to extend his term of office to 2010 must be rejected by all patriotic Zimbabweans who want a new Zimbabwe charecterised by freedom, prosperity and democracy.
The Zanu PF mouthpieces have now confirmed the people's suspicions that Mugabe's term, which expires in 2008, will be extended to allow him to continue ruining the country until 2010. This is unadulterated constitutional fraud. Presidential terms are six-year terms; even under the current defective Constitution and Zimbabweans demand to know on whose mandate Zanu PF seeks to extend an illegitimacy that will mete out further punishment to the people.
The MDC reiterates its position that only a new people-driven Constitution, and not piecemeal amendments by Zanu PF, is the panacea to the crisis of legitimacy and governance facing this regime. Mugabe should not be allowed to abuse a controversial and technical majority in Parliament to buy himself a safe exit. Mugabe is an illegitimate President whose incumbency is being challenged in court. He now wants to use his Parliamentary technical majority, which is being challenged through several electoral petitions that are yet to be heard, to buy himself a further two years in office. Zimbabwe cannot have an illegitimate President, using an illegitimate technical majority to seek further tenancy at State House. The regime simply wants to buy more time to handle its contentious and divisive succession drama that has turned out to be a real-life soap opera.
The MDC believes that seeking a further extension of his term through Parliament is tantamount to Zanu PF turning an internal succession squabble into a national crisis. Zanu PF is unelectable,leaderless, divided and candidateless. In short, Zanu PF is a party in crisis.
The MDC leadership, supporters and the people of Zimbabwe shall not allow a unilateral declaration of a Zanu PF-imposed coup on the wishes of the majority. The country is bigger than Zanu PF. Zimbabwe belongs to all its people who are the ultimate authority in the governance of the country. Zanu
PF must be stopped now if Zimbabwe is to be saved from the jaws of this tyranny. All democratic forces must demand a new, people-driven Constitution
to form the basis of the legitimacy of those occupying the highest office in the land.
Zanu PF's latest antics only serve to confirm that Zimbabwe has become an absolute monarch ruled by power-hungry geriatrics bent on clinging to power at any cost. Zanu PF must not be allowed to sacrifice Zimbabwe on the altar of political expediency. Mugabe has confirmed that he is afraid of a free and fair electoral process and will take the slightest excuse to seek asylum in a controversial technical majority to run away from an imminent and inevitable people's verdict. In their 70's and 80s, Zanu PF's leaders are overdue candidates for the fireside chair, telling folk stories to bemused children wondering how these people have lived for so long when they are presiding over a serious national crisis which has seen life expectancy tumbling down to a mere 34 years.
The MDC believes that all political parties, the churches, labour unions, students, civic groups and the generality of Zimbabweans must urgently demand that Zimbabwe adopts a people-driven Constitution that should lead to free and fair elections under international supervision. We believe that Mugabe's time is nigh. We believe that all patriotic Zimbabweans must heed the clarion call to save our country. Zimbabweans are now tired of the outrageous antics of this regime. We believe that is why the millions of Zimbabweans across the country and those in the Diaspora have resolved to engage in a mass-driven political process of democratic resistance of resistance to express the nation's aspirations for a new Zimbabwe.
Change demands action. Our country deserves better. A new Zimbabwe is inevitable.
Nelson Chamisa, is a Zimbabwean legislator and MDC Secretary for Information and Publicity
Friday, 8 December 2006
WOZA spokesperson Annie Sibanda said the women, including 4 members of the Men of Zimbabwe Arise and a Presbyterian priest, are expected to appear in court on Friday. 36 WOZA activists who were arrested in Bulawayo have been charged under two sections of the notorious Criminal Law and Codification and Reform Act, although 6 of the women who were arrested with their babies were released on Thursday afternoon. They are accused of causing 'a breach of the peace and interfering with the ordinary comforts of the public.'Members of the pressure group were arrested after riot police violently broke up their gathering Wednesday. It's reported that some of the arrested including the leaders, Jennie Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu, were beaten. Sibanda told us that some of those in detention need medical attention but the police are blocking this. The victims lawyer, Advocate Perpetua Dube, was allegedly threatened with arrest, for "interfering with the course of justice" whilst trying to attend to her clients. The activists are being held in a courtyard cage at Bulawayo Central police station.In an extraordinary twist Advocate Dube was yesterday able to secure the release of a baby who had been separated from it's mother. The mother had not been arrested but the child had.Meanwhile the 18 month old baby who was hurt yesterday sustained a broken leg. The WOZA spokesperson said the baby was sitting on her mother's lap when police started to beat people, 'They caused a stampede scenario where people were trying to escape from being beaten and somebody actually stepped on the baby's leg in the chaos that was caused."Another elderly woman also had a broken leg while several other people had minor injuries.The vicious attack by the police comes in the middle of the 16 Days of Activism against Gender Violence campaign, embarked on by WOZA this past Saturday. Sibanda said although some areas have started banging pots and honking their car horns, the group is urging more Zimbabweans to join in a noise protest for two minutes at 8pm every evening during this period. She said this is to commemorate 16 days of activism against gender violence and human rights abuses.Police continue to refuse to comment.
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Mr. Gabriel Shumba is currently Director of the Accountability Commission – Zimbabwe, an organization based in South Africa which is accumulating evidence of the gross human rights violations of President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF government. He was brutally tortured by the Mugabe regime in January 2003 when, as a working human rights lawyer in Zimbabwe, he represented an opposition MP who had been arrested under false charges. He fled Zimbabwe shortly afterwards following state-sponsored death threats and harassment. Mr. Shumba currently works with Zimbabwean witnesses and victims of violence in Johannesburg gathering evidence of incidents of politically motivated murder, torture, rape and beatings with a view to opening dockets for prosecution.
United States Congress
House Committee on International Relations
Human Rights Practices Around the World: A Review of the State Department's 2003 Annual Report
Washington, Wednesday March 10, 2004
Testimony of Mr Gabriel Shumba (Zimbabwe)
(Human Rights Lawyer, Doctor of Laws Candidate, Legal Regional Director (Africa) for the Accountability Commission-Zimbabwe)
Mr Chair and Members of the Committee, I request that the entirety of my statement, along with the additional material, be submitted for the record. I thank you for the singular honor that you have accorded to me. To be given the opportunity to address this esteemed body at a time when my country, Zimbabwe, is facing an unprecedented social, economic and political crisis is a manifestation of the Free World’s concern with democracy and human rights the world over. Further testimony of this commitment is evident in the 2003 U.S. State Department Report on Human Rights Practices, which devotes significant space to the human rights issues affecting my country.
Mr Chair, I am a human rights lawyer from Zimbabwe who was last year condemned to live in exile in South Africa because of unrelenting persecution, death threats and torture at the hands of President Robert Mugabe’s regime. Allow me to narrate the ordeal that forced me into exile.
Pursuant to the call of my profession, on the 14th of January 2003 I consented to represent an opposition Member of Parliament, Mr Job Sikhala. He had engaged me to represent him in a matter in which he alleged political harassment by members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP). At that moment in time, the MP was hiding from the police.
My young brother, Bishop Shumba, accompanied me to take instructions. I found the MP in the company of one Taurai Magaya and Charles Mutama. I proceeded to take instructions and confer with Mr Sikhala. However, at or about 23:00 hrs, riot police accompanied by plain-clothes policemen, the army and personnel, who I later discovered were from the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO), the spy agency of the government, stormed the room. They were armed with AK 47’s, tear gas canisters, grenades and vicious-looking dogs.
I identified myself as a lawyer and enquired as to the nature and purpose of the police actions. Thereupon, one of the officers confiscated my Lawyer’s Practicing Certificate and informed me that there was ‘no place for human rights lawyers in Zimbabwe’. Others grabbed my diary as well as files and documents. All of us were prodded with guns in the back and bundled into a police vehicle. Several acts of assault and violence were perpetrated upon my person. In particular, I was slapped several times and kicked with booted-feet by amongst others, a certain detective inspector Mbedzi, the officer in charge of Saint Mary’s Police Station. They also threatened to let the dogs maul us, and boasted that this had been done before.
Moments later, we were driven to Saint Mary’s Police Station but no charges were preferred. We were denied access to legal representation and were abused and insulted for allegedly working in cahoots with ‘western powers’ in an attempt ‘to reverse the gains of the liberation struggle’. Our mobile phones were also confiscated, and we were denied contact with our lawyers, relatives and friends.
Around 1:00am we were driven to Matapi Police Station some seven kilometers from the initial place of ‘arrest’. Here Mr Sikhala and Bishop were booked into the holding cells. I was taken to Mbare police holding cells, a further three kilometers away from Matapi, whilst, as I subsequently discovered, Mr Magaya and Mr Mutama were taken to Harare Central Police Station, which is about five kilometers away. The tactic of separating arrestees and taking them to locations removed from where they have been arrested is a favorite of the police in Zimbabwe. This is designed to prevent their relatives or lawyers access to them when they are tortured in torture chambers scattered all over the country.
I was only booked into the cells at around 3:00am. I was denied blankets and had to sleep on a concrete floor. The cell that was about 3m x 4m housed over 20 inmates. I had to spend the whole night squatting in a pool of urine and human waste. This revolting mixture had maggots and worms that irritated or bit at me the whole night. As if this was not enough, I had to endure the torment of other denizens of the cell, which included lice and bed bugs.
Around 12:00pm on the next day, personnel from the CID (Criminal Investigations Dept - Law and Order Section) of the Harare Central Police Station booked me out of Mbare holding cells. Even now I have not been told of the nature of the charges preferred against me, nor had any official entry been made to indicate that I was being held at Mbare, another notorious police tactic. The police were under the charge-ship of one Detective Inspector Garnet Sikhova. In spite of my bruises and the pain that I felt, I was dragged to a yellow mini-bus whose registration numbers I was prevented from looking at. My constant pleas for legal representation, food and water were in vain.
Mr Chair, the mini-bus that I was hauled into had no seats inside. Even more sinister was the fact that it had black curtains and a black carpet lining the windows and the floor. In the extreme end of the vehicle was a raised platform whereupon some of the Police Officers sat. I was nonetheless ordered to sit on the floor facing the back of the vehicle. A black hood was then slipped over my head. It was made of nylon and did not have any breathing-holes in it. In a short while I became claustrophobic, sweated heavily and had difficulties breathing. My requests that part of the hood be pulled slightly over my nose to allow me to breathe were rudely denied. Instead, I was asked to use ‘the mouth that you use to defend the MDC to breathe’.
After what appeared like an hour’s drive, the vehicle pulled over and my hands were handcuffed behind my back. I was bundled out of the car to find myself in a tunnel of some sort, judging by the echoes that our footsteps made. I was advised that ‘you are now a blind man and have to act like a blind person’. After several twists and turns, in what appeared a labyrinth of some sort, we descended about three floors of stairs underground.
Off to the right I could hear the sounds of horrible screaming. I was thrown against the wall and the hood was then removed. I was stripped utterly naked, then had my hands and feet handcuffed and bound so that I was in a foetal position. The police then thrust a thick plank between my legs and hands. Other planks lined the room and the light was dim. In a corner to my right side, there was a pool of what my tormentors told me was acid, into which I could be dissolved without a trace. I was also informed that I could be crucified on the planks against the wall, or have needles thrust into my urethra if ‘you are not co-operative’. In the middle of the room were a small table and a chair. About 15 or so interrogators stood over me and some of them began assaulting me with booted-feet and fists all over the body. I was then given the option of either ‘telling the truth or dying a slow and painful death’.
Several questions were asked about my background as a student activist, the political affiliation of judges, my scholarship to pursue a Masters degree in South Africa, my alleged involvement in the burning of a government bus, and my political ambitions. At some point I was hung upside down on the planks and assaulted beneath the feet with wooden and rubber truncheons, as well as some pieces of metal.
Running concurrently with the other assaults and ongoing interrogation, various electrical shocks were introduced to my body. A black contraption resembling a telephone was placed on the small table. It had several electric cables emanating from it. One cable was tied to the middle toe of my right foot, whilst another was tied to the second toe of the left foot. Another copper wire was wrapped tightly around my genitals. Again, another one was put into my mouth. Still in the foetal position, I was ordered to hold a metallic receiver in my bound right hand and I then forced to place this next to my right ear. A blast of electric shocks was then administered to my body for about eight to nine hours.
On several occasions, I lost consciousness only to be revived to face the same ordeal. A chemical substance was applied to my body. I also lost control of my bladder, vomited blood and was forced to drink my urine and lick my vomit. I was also urinated upon by several of my interrogators. Whilst the questioning was in process, several photographs were taken of me cringing and writhing in pain and in nakedness.
At the end of this ordeal, around 7:00 pm, I was unbound and then forced to write several documents under my torturers’ dictation. In the documents, I incriminated myself as well as senior MDC personnel in several subversive activities. Under pain of death, I was also forced to agree to work for the Central Intelligence Organization, the government spy agency. In addition, I was compelled to swear allegiance to President Robert Mugabe, as well as to promise that I would not disclose my ordeal, either to the independent press or the courts. I later did.
Around 19:30 pm, I was blindfolded and taken to Harare Central Police Station, where I was booked into a holding cell even more horrendously inhumane than that at Mbare Police Station. On the third day of my arrest, my lawyers, who had at that point obtained a High Court injunction ordering my release to court, were allowed access to me. I had not had food or water throughout the period of my detention, which was three days. I had also not been formally notified of the nature of the charge against me. Subsequently, however, I was charged under Section 5 of the Public Order and Security Act, which deals with organizing, planning or conspiring to overthrow the government through unconstitutional means. These charges were dismissed in a court of law after medical evidence established that we had been tortured. Subsequently, I was threatened with death and had to flee for my life.
I worked at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Tanzania for two months and was threatened by the High Commissioner of Zimbabwe to Tanzania. I then had to flee to South Africa. In spite of psychiatric and other medical treatment, I continue to experience nightmares, suffer depression as well extreme fatigue.
I am convinced that my torture and ill treatment was authorized and condoned at the highest level of the Zimbabwe state. It is inconceivable that President Mugabe is unaware that his police, army and intelligence officials are using torture. The President has been aware that torture is being used against human rights activists and those suspected to be linked to the MDC, as is exemplified by the case of journalists Mark Chavunduka and Ray Choto. The two were brutally tortured by the army and Chavunduka died later. Mugabe was however on TV gloating that those who write stories about the army should expect ‘army justice’.
I lodged a report of what transpired to me with the police, but up to now no action has been taken. I have also instructed my lawyer to institute civil proceedings, but am not hopeful, as the Executive has largely subverted the judicial system. Furthermore, the police in Zimbabwe are notorious for defying court orders.
Mr Chair, I should also point out that members of my family who are still in Zimbabwe are in mortal danger as I speak. I cannot afford to lose them as we are a very small family, having been orphaned early in life. I am the first born in a family of four. Both my parents are deceased. My father died of cancer of the liver when I was 10 years old. I became the sole breadwinner of the family after my mother passed away some years later. My mother succumbed to the AIDS virus in 1995, having spent many years trying to raise us.
Eventually, I struggled through education with the help of a kind white couple, Mary Austin and John Ayton. I mention this couple to dispel the myth that the crisis in Zimbabwe is a tug of war between black and white.
At the University of Zimbabwe where I obtained a Bachelor of Laws (Honors) degree I was a student activist. In 1995 I led demonstrations against police brutality. This culminated in my suspension from the University of Zimbabwe (UZ) for a period of two years. Whilst on suspension, I wrote articles on student rights and addressed seminars on academic freedom in Zimbabwe. After readmission to the University in 1997, I mounted a one-person demonstration to protest the heavy handedness of the police in quelling student disturbances. For this I was abducted and tortured at a torture chamber situated in the basement of Harare Central Prison.
Mr Chair, to date I have been arrested and assaulted or tortured 14 times under the regime of President Robert Mugabe. At my graduation on the 18th of August 2000, I was again arrested and taken into police custody for attempting to hand over a petition protesting the breakdown of the rule of law in Zimbabwe, especially on the farms, to President Robert Mugabe. As I approached Mugabe, who is also Chancellor of the University, his bodyguards whisked me away. As a result, I could not graduate with my fellow students as I was in prison, complete in my academic regalia. This incident was reported in the press. Mr Chair, I submit that all that which transpired to me should be seen as a microcosm of the brutality visited upon human rights and opposition activists in Zimbabwe.
I thank you Honorable Members.
United States Congress
Thursday, 7 December 2006
EDITOR — The article, MDC in new season of politics of "chibanzi" made very interesting reading. It is intriguing how the MDC has been changing tactics in order to "rid Zimbabweans of the dictator". Well, as far as the tactics of getting rid of him are concerned, one wonders what next for MDC?
Zimbabwe has a very interesting and dynamic political terrain which allows political organisations to spring up rapidly and freely. It cannot happen in a repressive state. The other day I was perusing the background of some of the MDC stalwarts and current MPs. I noticed that one of them, of caucasian origin, states that Henry Kissinger, Lady Thatcher and De Klerk were instrumental, together with Ian Smith, in creating the environment for democratic change — and not Robert Mugabe.
"Ah, well", I said to myself,"this proves that the MDC will never come to power." So it was not Mugabe who brought about our independence?
Nevertheless, the fear of a back-door return of fascism in Zimbabwe is truly borne out in those remarks.The political clout of Arthur Mutambara is a non-issue. Student activism, correctly conceived, is not a futile activity. We left (silently) the University College of Rhodesia in the 1960s and worked at the Liberation Centre in Lusaka, Zambia in collaboration with the national leadership of ZANU far away from the close scrutiny of the regime and saw its downfall in the end. It all depends on what Mutambara stands for. If he comes to the UK and speaks against his own government as would Ian Smith on the same platform in Oxford — the English would never respect him (they do not understand people like that being patriotic themselves).
Mordecai Mutiswa Betera
A professor stood before his philosophy class and had some items in
front of him. When the class began, wordlessly, he picked up a very
large and empty mayonnaise jar and proceeded to fill it with golf
balls. He then asked the students if the jar was full. They agreed
that it was.
The professor then picked up a box of pebbles and poured them into
He shook the jar lightly. The pebbles rolled into the open areas
between the golf balls. He then asked the students again if the jar
They agreed it was.
The professor next picked up a box of sand and poured it into the
jar. Of course, the sand filled up everything else. He asked once
more if the jar was full. The students responded with an infamous
"yes." The professor then produced two cups of coffee from under the
table and poured the entire contents into the jar, effectively
filling the empty space between the sand. The students laughed.
"Now," said the professor, as the laughter subsided, "I want you to
recognize that this jar represents your life. The golf balls are the
important things. Your family, your children, your faith, your health,
your friends, and your favourite passions. Things
that if everything else was lost and only they remained, your life would
still be full. The pebbles are the other things that matter. Your
job, your house, and your car. The sand is everything else. The small
stuff. "If you put the sand into the jar first," he continued, "there
is no room for the pebbles or the golf balls. The same goes for life.
If you spend all your time and energy on the small stuff, you will
never have room for the things that are
important to you. Pay attention to the things that are critical to
your happiness. Play with your children. Take time to get medical
Take your partner out to dinner. Play another 18. There will always be
time to clean the house and fix the shed door. Take care of the golf
balls first, the things that really matter. Set your priorities. The
rest is just sand."
One of the students raised her hand and inquired what the coffee
represented. The professor smiled. "I'm glad you asked. It just goes
to show you that no matter how full your life may seem, there's always room for a couple
of cups of coffee with a friend."
Please share this with someone nice.
I Just did.
Wednesday, 6 December 2006
What a shame- actions of a desperate criminal regime!
Saka munovanzei nhai vanhu imimi who are illegally running the country?
On Monday we covered the story of how Central Intelligence Organisation operatives, with the help of police in the Mataga growth point, are confiscating radios distributed by the Radio Communication Project. The radio project is meant to help rural communities in remote parts of the country access external radio broadcasts, independent of state propaganda. On Tuesday however the spokesman for the Tsvangirai MDC, Nelson Chamisa, told Newsreel the government is targeting everyone with a shortwave radio in the rural areas. He says government deliberately wants to impose, ‘an iron curtain in the country and contaminate people with their propaganda.’
Chamisa says their national office is inundated with complaints from people who have had their radios taken away and their information department is busy compiling a list of all the reported cases. Initially it had been thought radios donated to listening clubs were the prime target but by Tuesday the seizures had become indiscriminate with many people said to have lost their own private portable radio sets. Listening club members are being threatened and told they are selling out the country by listening to ‘foreign’ broadcasts. Several NGO’s donated solar powered, wind up radios for the listening clubs and Chamisa says although these are being targeted, the regime now believes it can reduce the number of shortwave radio listeners via a programme of indiscriminate national seizures.
In Mberengwa East and the Midlands North province the CIO clearly targeted listening clubs. Several teachers, who are members of the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) and had been identified as team leaders, had their radios taken away. They were asked to produce union membership cards before the CIO confiscated the donated radios last week. Police and CIO officers are being accused of trying to block the Radio Communication Project by taking any donated radios under the pretext of investigating ‘suspicious’ content inside. Attempts to distribute 8 radios in Mberengwa East attracted the attention of the CIO in much the same way as happened in Gokwe.
Under the Radio Communication Project communities are being organised to train, and take turns as groups, to listen to local and external broadcasts of their choice. Radios are being distributed to key local people who have been identified as such by the communities themselves. Thomas Shoko, one of those who received a radio under the project, had this taken away from him by CIO officers at Mataga growth point last Thursday while Sarudzai Dube, the local Women's Clubs Trainer, also had a radio taken away from her over the weekend. Security agents came to her house while she was away and threatened her child into handing over the radio.
Sicino Dube, the Tsvangirai MDC Midlands South provincial chairman, also alleged that Zanu PF youths are helping the CIO by moving around villages and taking the shortwave radios away.
What seems to be lost to Mutambara here is the concept of agenda setting. You can't be a leader who has to react to other people's initiatives without you taking the lead to set up an agenda everyone can follow. No matter how flawed these initiatives are, they still remain that! An initiative.
As long as the opposition does not set a tone and hence a national agenda they will keep responding to us via e-mail like this.
Nyatsimba Mutota [firstname.lastname@example.org]
Send instant messages to your online friends http://uk.messenger.yahoo.com
Tuesday, 5 December 2006
Do our "Joint-Presidents" Tsvangson and Robotics qualify for the top job?
Or should we "import" a person like Prof Stanford Mukasa etc?
Debate now open!
Write from your e-mail address to email@example.com and it will post directly.
We are listening....time is running out!
Rev M S Hove....The Radical Soldier....cell: 0791463039
What seems to be lost to Mutambara here is the concept of agenda setting. You can't be a leader who has to react to other people's initiatives without you taking the lead to set up an agenda everyone can foolow. No matter how flowed these initiatives are, they still remain that! An initiative.
As long as the opposition does not set a tone and hence a national agenda they will keep responding to us via e-mail like this.
Nyatsimba Mutota [firstname.lastname@example.org]
29th November 2006; Harare, Zimbabwe
On the 28th of November 2006 the MDC leadership met with the Church leaders who are behind the "The Zimbabwe We Want" initiative. This was the first time that our party was engaged in this project. There had been misrepresentations in the press that the Church bishops had met some of our leaders before the launch of the document. This was completely false.
Zimbabwe is going through an economic and political crisis of unprecedented proportions. Any initiative that seeks to foster and develop solutions to this crisis must be supported. Whenever any group of Zimbabweans gets together in pursuit of such initiatives, it must be hailed and encouraged. The state of our country and pain of our people demand nothing less. Consequently, in spite of its initial exclusion from this particular Church initiative, the MDC is solidly supportive and wishes to be actively involved.
In pursuing a national initiative such as the "National Vision for Zimbabwe" it is essential to ensure ownership and buy-in by the generality of the people of Zimbabwe. The people must own both the process and content of the national vision. Furthermore, the process of an initiative cannot be de-linked from its content. A dysfunctional process will lead to distorted and contested content
Process of Achieving the National Vision
It is our submission that the Church leaders' process in crafting a National Vision for Zimbabwe has been fundamentally flawed. It has been characterized by dishonesty, manipulation, and lack of inclusiveness. A few examples will suffice to illustrate these aspects. Critical stakeholders in the form of civic organizations, political parties, and church organizations (e.g., NCA, Crisis Coalition, MDC, ZCTU, ZINASU, Christian Alliance, National Pastors Conference) were not engaged nor consulted prior to the launch. To compound matters, there were falsehoods in the media, which were never retracted, about some of these groups being consulted. The lack of involvement of key players led to the spectacular failure of the document launch, where it ended being a ZANU(PF) orgy in self indulgency.
In addition, some of those organizations engaged were shown versions of the document that were different from what was eventually launched. This has led to complaints about duplicity and manipulation from the Catholic Jesuits, and Bishop Pius Ncube. The perception is that people and organizations were being used to legitimize a dubious agenda.
The most problematic process aspect of the Church initiative has been the way they have engaged Robert Mugabe and ZANU(PF). From the tea sessions at State House to the launch of the document by Robert Mugabe, the Church leaders have allowed the criminal dictatorship of Robert Mugabe to destroy the potential of the initiative. Mugabe's ill-advised comments about non-negotiable issues, defence of the Lancaster House constitution, and general disdain for other stakeholders, have compromised the effectiveness of the initiative. In a very cynical way Mugabe embraced the project in order to destroy its credibility, and then unleashed his chief apologists and propagandists to viciously attack the initiative in the state media. What a shameful ploy!
The Church leaders are well-intentioned and their motivation is honourable. However, they have been extremely naïve. With the continuously deteriorating economic malaise and global isolation, Mugabe wants to buy time. He could use the initiative to do just that by appearing to be doing something. The suffering people of Zimbabwe will reject any process that will provide a lifeline to the evil regime of Robert Mugabe. They will not be part of any efforts to sanitize the
Content of the National Vision
The MDC will be submitting a detailed written response to the content of the vision document. Here we outline some preliminary and inconclusive remarks. The general gist of the document is in sync with the views of most Zimbabweans, that is, the material is common cause. However, there are areas characterized by omissions and distortions. Some of the distortions are due to the dysfunctional process through which the initiative has gone. The ugly hand of ZANU(PF) is evident. As already submitted, you cannot separate content from process.
For a start, the vision statement sounds like apple pie and motherhood. There is no economic vision, neither is there a social justice aspect to it. There is no clarity on the economic strategy that will take Zimbabwe from the economic crisis to the Promised Land. The recommendations on the economy are weak, poorly structured and lack congruency. Similarly, the section on land requires more input around collateral value of land, security of tenure, agricultural productivity, secondary agriculture, justice and equity.
A major distortion in the document is around the nature and cause of the Zimbabwean crisis. At the root of our national problems are issues of bad governance, political legitimacy, economic mismanagement, corruption, and political dictatorship, all due to the absolute failure of Robert Mugabe and ZANU(PF). This must be stated without equivocation or ambiguity. The vision document at best equivocates, at worst it is apologetic. Misdiagnosis of a problem will lead to wrong solutions.
It is also astounding that the language of the document is very subdued and apologetic when describing national institutional ills such as POSA and AIPPA. In some cases the diction resembles that of ZANU(PF) in the way issues like patriotism and sanctions are discussed. Presumably these language overtures are meant to placate the dictator, Robert Mugabe. It must be emphasized that this is done at a huge cost: De-legitimization of the content leading to its total rejection by the people of Zimbabwe.
Another area of contention in the document is on the subject of Gukurahundi, which is treated shamelessly as a footnote. There is a celebration of the first 15 years of independence as blissful and full of hope. Yet, it is during this period that the regime of Robert Mugabe massacred over 20 000 civilians in Matabeleland and Midlands. The nation must come to terms with this reality. There must be a Truth and Justice Commission, followed by an acknowledgement of what transpired. Only then can national healing begin. We must seek restorative justice, victim based justice, and rehabilitation of the communities affected. Today there are young people who cannot get birth certificates and identification cards because both parents were killed during Gukurahundi; and it is not officially acknowledged that the parents are dead. These are people being victimized today. Hence no! Gukurahundi cannot be a footnote in a National Vision for Zimbabwe.
A general point about the document is that it lacks time-frames, and prioritization of the different initiatives and recommendations. There must be clarity on what matters are short term, medium term and long term.
The document extensively uses Christian Biblical chapters and verses. This is inappropriate in a national vision document. Even if our country is 90% Christian we still have Moslems, Hindus, and Jews as part of our nation. There are also Zimbabweans who believe in traditional religions. We need religious tolerance in our national vision.
As indicated earlier, our detailed written response on the content is forthcoming.
The Way Forward
In conclusion it is clear that the Church leaders have process and content challenges in their great initiative. It is important that they embrace the critique we have provided above and address relevant matters. Dramatic changes and corrective measures are required, in particular around the process. The initiative has to be wrestled back from ZANU(PF), its credibility re-established, while building buy-in and confidence among disgruntled stakeholders. The success of the initiative will depend solely on the Church leaders doing the right things. As the MDC party, our reservations notwithstanding, we pledge to work closely with the Church leaders without any preconditions. We urge other stakeholders and the generality of the people of Zimbabwe to participate and seek to influence both the process and content of the initiative.
The National Vision for Zimbabwe must be owned by all Zimbabweans.
Defeat is not on the agenda & Victory is certain.
The Struggle Continues Unabated.
Arthur G.O. Mutambara